New Jersey’s history is
more interesting, tragic, triumphant and fascinating than most people know. As
a history teacher my students know little about the state’s past, apart from
where Washington slept and a few Revolutionary War battles. The more I study
the pages of old newspapers, journals and letters the more I realize that the
Garden State’s epic and sometimes disturbing past is
worth writing about.
Newark charity soup kitchen, 1930's |
When it comes to great writers, Philip Roth is one of Jersey’s treasures. In 2004 Roth
published an astounding masterpiece, a novel titled The Plot Against America. Set in a familiar alternate universe of the 1930’s and 40’s, Roth imagines
Newark and the U.S. under the presidency of the isolationist Charles Lindbergh,
and traces, in suspenseful and masterful style how conditions for Essex County’s
Jews deteriorate as Lindbergh’s fortunes rise. Scary stuff, to be sure, but
just fiction, right? No one ever, of course, in real life proposed sending a
large portion of a state minority off to camps or distant locales?
Tragically enough, various
forms of ethnic deportation and cleansing were widely and publicly proposed,
from some of the highest levels of Newark’s city government, in the summer of
1932. It was, in short, Newark’s own plot against America. Had it actually
worked, sights similar to the coming Holocaust in Germany would have surely
panned out on the streets of New Jersey’s largest city, with African-Americans
as the target.
We need to paint the scene
here, to understand the context of a horrifying proposal that almost came to
be. In 1932 the Depression was already in its grinding third year, and Newark, as one of the East Coast’s industrial hubs, was hit particularly hard. The New
Deal was still over a year away and no end to the troubles were in sight.
Factories closed. The number of the unemployed ballooned and urban aid programs
were scant. There was no unemployment insurance, Social Security or Medicaid to
speak of. In Newark, most aid to the poor was in the form of free distribution
of flour.
Within the Brick City’s
economic cauldron, racial hatred festered. New Jersey’s African-American
population had grown dramatically in the 1920’s as hundreds of thousands of
blacks had fled violence and Jim Crowism in the South for opportunities in the
North. In the booming economy of the 20’s many men did find jobs and a better
life, but with the Depression, the ebbing tide stranded all ships. Black and White in Newark faced a new, seemingly
permanent world of joblessness and desperation.
It was in this atmosphere
that Owen A. Malady, Newark’s official “Overseer of the Poor,” along with
several allies, proposed a terrifying plan. The city of Newark would act to
“deport” or “resettle” most of its African-American residents “back” to the
South. More specifically, the plot was that all black residents living in
Newark for less than five years would be removed from the city and forced “back
to Dixie.”
The scheme was publicly
discussed and debated behind the doors of Newark’s stately city hall building
on Broad Street. Some of the city’s commissioners wanted prompt action taken by
the police, who would apparently engage in mass arrests, processing and
forceful relocations. How the city would determine who was to be
deported/arrested was never fleshed out. It probably would not have mattered
anyway; I’m sure every African-American living in Newark would have been a
target.
Though he rejected
‘force’, Malady was intensely determined to make his deportation plan work. He
told one paper that he had written public officials, including governors, in
Georgia, Florida, Alabama and Mississippi. He even called on local Essex County
churches to assist him in his efforts.
Opponents quickly made
themselves vocal in newspapers North and South. Writing in the Atlanta Daily
World, one Jesse Thomas scorned the plan as regressive, unwise and blatantly
unconstitutional. First, Thomas openly wondered why the City of Newark had
discriminated in its deportation plans against African Americans? Hadn’t many
white people settled in the city over the past half-decade? Additionally, from
a logistical point of view, so-called “Southern Resettlement” wouldn’t help
anyone, as:
“Practically every city in
the South is already taxed to its limit in an effort to take care of those who
are now unemployed and living on charity.”
And most importantly,
Thomas wrote, why would it matter what region anyone came from who settled in
Newark? Doesn’t every part of the nation belong to every inhabitant equally? Of course, Thomas was legally correct. The United States Constitution, in its "privileges and immunities clause," blatantly forbids this kind of regionally-based discrimination.
Newark, to my knowledge,
never did adopt this appalling mass deportation plan. And while the later New
Deal programs of the Roosevelt administration certainly eased poverty in Essex
County, none of the programs (such as the Civilian Conservation Corps) were
ever specifically targeted to help African Americans. Many New Deal agencies
actually engaged in racial discrimination themselves. It would take World War
II to bring full employment and opportunity back to Newark, but in 1932 that
was still almost a decade away (and nobody knew it was coming at the time
either).
The Great Depression is
over, but the Great Recession is not. Though such schemes for mass deportations of
minorities are fortunately non-existent in the United States, they’re currently
enjoying resurgence in Europe. There, in nations like Greece and Hungary,
Fascists are again on the march and ruthlessly targeting immigrants and Jews.
And these Fascists are gaining political power by winning local and national
elections. We need to remember, such conspiracies did once visit our shores. We
can never let such ideas gain a serious audience again. We’re all in this economic
mess, yes, but we’re in it together.
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